Published: Sunday 19 August 2012
Romney admits to an income of over $20 million a year for the last several decades. Which makes his 13 percent — or even 20 percent — violate the principle of equal sacrifice that lies at the core of our notion of tax fairness.

Mitt Romney says “every year I’ve paid at least 13 percent [of my income in taxes] and if you add in addition the amount that goes to charity, why the number gets well above 20 percent.”

 

This is supposed to be in defense of not releasing his tax returns.


Assume, for the sake of the argument, he’s telling the truth. Since when are charitable contributions added to income taxes when judging whether someone has paid his fair share?


More to the point, Romney admits to an income of over $20 million a year for the last several decades. Which makes his 13 percent — or even 20 percent — violate the principle of equal sacrifice that lies at the core of our notion of tax fairness.


Even Adam Smith, the 18th century guru of free-market conservatives, saw the wisdom of a graduated tax embodying the principle of equal sacrifice. “The rich should contribute to the public expense,” he wrote, “not only in proportion to their revenue, but something more in proportion.”


Equal sacrifice means that in paying taxes people ought to feel about the same degree of pain regardless of whether they’re wealthy or poor. Logically, this means someone earning $20 million a year should pay a much larger proportion of his income in taxes than someone earning $200,000, who in turn should pay a larger proportion than someone earning $50,000.


But Romney’s alleged 13 percent tax rate is lower than that of most middle class Americans who earn a tiny fraction of what he earns.


At a time when poverty is increasing, when public parks and public libraries are being closed and when public schools are shrinking their offerings and their hours, when the nation’s debt is immense, and when the 400 richest Americans have more wealth than the bottom 150 ...

Published: Thursday 14 June 2012
“Of all the hypocritical hype resonating through the rhetoric of these Republicans, none is more damaging than the myth of free market and the jive about private-sector job creators.”

Late this summer, August 27-30, the world will once again be treated to the spectacle of a Republic National Convention.  It's only fitting that this one will be held in Tampa, Florida, the state that made it possible for George W. Bush to steal the election in 2000.  The convention is a sure bet to be a theater of the absurd, but this year the candidate it anoints and the speeches that sing his praises will highlight the hypocrisy of the new Grand Old Party like never before.

Of all the hypocritical hype resonating through the rhetoric of these Republicans, none is more damaging than the myth of free market and the jive about private-sector job creators.  A vibrant economy operating without state intervention or regulation is one of the most pernicious, pervasive, and persistent myths in contemporary American politics.

Today even in the aftermath of the wild-assed, credit-crazed, derivative-driven, deliriously leveraged bubble economy that finally triggered the financial meltdown in 2008 – even after the near-collapse of the global economy and the Great Recession that followed (and still lingers), few Republican leaders dare to say a kind word about the need for state regulation or tax reform, and Democrats too often concede in practice what they dare not renounce in principle.  In fact, there is not a country in the world, never has been and never will be, where the economy operates in a political-administrative or legal vacuum.  Which is to say, there is no such thing as a free market or a pure market economy.

Nothing even close.  And while it's true that the state plays a smaller role in some economies than in others, the United States is in no sense exemplary except by one measure:  hypocrisy.

For proof, we can turn to no less an authority than Niall Ferguson, a self-confessed true believer in Adam Smith's "invisible hand".  Earlier this ...

Published: Friday 25 November 2011
“We needed that radical innocence, and we got it. What we do with it now is up to us.”

It's like the old-timers always said: Don't quit before the miracle happens.

While the Arab Spring showed that people can still accomplish the impossible, Our political debate was frozen in corporate cynicism. Now everything has changed. For the United States, spring came in autumn. Who says miracles don't happen?



Like a Prayer

A few months ago I prayed for something. Granted, it wasn't the kind of prayer that's sanctioned by any ecclesiastical authority. And, okay, maybe it wasn't exactly a "prayer." I guess the technical term for it would be ...

Published: Wednesday 19 October 2011
Economists are to capitalism as priests are to Catholicism.
If capitalism is in perpetual crisis, then so too is its ideological arm: the academic discipline of economics. For those analogically inclined, economists are to capitalism as priests are to Catholicism. Forgive me this observation, vaguely playful: an economist is someone who gets rich by explaining to others why they’re poor. To this end I argue that the alleged value-neutral rhetoric marshaled by orthodox economists tends to obscure the field’s highly partisan thrust toward the upward redistribution of wealth (from which professional economists as a class clearly benefit) chiefly through the application of 1) rational choice theories and 2) efficient markets hypotheses. Yet despite their implementation of labyrinthine mathematical models, key economists at the London School of Economics (LSE) admitted in 2009 in a letter collectively authored to her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II that they had failed to prognosticate the current crisis because they somehow “lost sight of systemic risks” Excuse me? But why should we be astonished by the failure of professional economists to account for systemic risk, that is, the probability of system-wide disintegration? The truth is that professional economists overwhelmingly employ neoclassical methodologies premised on the philosophical field of logical positivism, a late 19th century school of thought that swiftly severed epistemology (claims to truth) from axiology (claims to value). For instance, neoclassical economists reject Marxian notions of exploitation (or theft, coercion, colonization) and instead advance the idea that the distribution of social resources produced by market exchanges is innately fair and just when it is allowed to work without regulative friction. Positivism, therefore, provides the theoretical underpinnings for neoclassical economic theory by scientizing (and sanitizing) existence through the production objective generalizations that divorce information from meaning. But historicizing the ...
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