Knowing the enemy defines strong, independent resistance, beyond noisy protests and indignation. Unlike fascism, Trumpism wants to shrink government so that profiteers can drown it in a bathtub.
More reckless than ever as approval numbers tank, Trump the failed businessman still believes rich financiers and ruthless, libertarian tycoons should run the country. Folks like Musk, Thiel, Andressen, Schwarzman, Ackman, Mercer, Adelson, Zuckerberg, and Bezos. By this illogic, the richest, least caring elite should rule because America’s “greatness” depends on this smug MAGA pride of hungry lions. With DJT as pilot and key beneficiary, the religion of super-wealthy elitism highlights the latest in corrupt, anti-democratic capitalism. It’s Reaganism on steroids, the goal as shameless as ’tis obvious: exploit trade, productivity, technology, pricing, labor and earth’s resources so the rich get ever richer and more dominant.
Yet, contrary to what defines 20th C European fascism, the radical Trumpist brand is less about concentrating all power to an overriding state cult than serving the obsession for limitless wealth. Trumpist extremism turns out to be a particularly noxious, authoritarian brew better called “oligarchic, authoritarian libertarianism.” That means warring against Constitutional and democratic checks, all to further deregulate already heedless capitalism, though never abandoning juicy, corporate subsidies.
Fixated oligarchs, “stable geniuses” every one, buy into the apocalyptic equation that the best exploiters make the best, most deserving leaders, demanding deference and obedience. Thus, billionaire clout = power = self-entitlement to dominate, a perverse sequel to discredited Social Darwinism and this upside-down crackpottery: survival of the fattest.
As Alex J. Kay and Jon-Wyatt Matlack, expert historians on European fascism, argue:
Instead of massively expanding the capacity of the state as a whole to achieve a reimagined, utopian society, Trump relies entirely upon the instrument of executive orders—easily challenged or reversed by an act of Congress. His vision, such as it is, appears incoherent . . . it’s not fascism, it is a free for all.
No doubt the impulsive Trump looks to authoritarian methods, elevating cult genius, phony nationalist propaganda, overt racist whistles and anti-immigrant cruelty seasoned by lawless belligerence. But that’s less in service of maximizing central power as ultimate “decider” than broadcasting his personal macho clout. In fact, rather than bringing non-MAGAs into the fold, nearly all of Trumpism injures his own pathetic base with the same force as besieged Democrats dependent on Medicaid, food subsidies, drug and vaccine integrity, and emergency services after natural disasters.
Know thy different enemies
I am not alone when at times distorting “fascism” or “fascistic style” to fit MAGA’s weekly demolition of rational governance. But classic European fascism is distinct from Trumpism: 1) concentrating total power in a centralized, commandeering state; and 2) addicted to a revolutionary vision to reshape institutions and engender a unified, collective society. Trump’s addiction to divisiveness enhances chaos, not unification. In fact, Trumpism undermines federalist hegemony and finds every opportunity to amp up often brain-dead cultural wedges. His bullying decentralization undercuts the control manias of a Hitler or Mussolini.
Because he’s incapable of appealing beyond his base, his crackbrain version of nationalism shrinks support. Thus Trumpism is already staggering, punch-drunk and incapable of enacting solid structural reforms. Instead of a focussed, organized (fascist) war of conquest, we endure an elitist-driven shoot-out to elevate gunslingers.
Though Trump does seek to “federalize” immigration and tariff outrages, with side moves against media and universities, his tactics are incoherent and contradictory. That means so far whatever he pulls off, especially wacko executive orders, are wholly reversible by re-empowered Democrats. Instead of using government spending to vitalize his support base, making him like Auda Abu Tayi (Lawrence of Arabia) a “river to his people,” the ill-conceived, counter-productive rejection of social services and popular programs ignites today’s massive backlash, alienating far more people than it wins over. Successful fascism must have sustained, domestic popularity.
The libertarian dictatorship
It’s critical with all politicians to distinguish means from ends, let alone assumptions and permanent goals: Trumpism wants fat cat rule and a surge in corporate profiteering answerable to war-time pressures (thus emergency crises all over the place). Classic fascism, however, is also inevitably expansive, using military belligerence against neighbors. Trumpist “imperialism” is all phony PR saber-rattling, bloviating about Canada or Greenland, the most conspicuous, most clownish TACO distractions. Trump employs appalling authoritarian tactics, but his “mock fascism” comes down to opportunistic greed, revenge and punishment of “enemies.” The model is closer to anything-goes “free market capitalism” dominated by willful CEOs at war with federal rules, interference, and regulations.
Knowing Trumpism for what it is, and wants to do, exposes why conventional Democratic protests and noisy speechifying aren’t working. We need what the brilliant historian of resistance Tad Stoermer calls “resistance,” and the need to create a parallel pressure movement to maximize pressure, not look to dysfunctional, current power structures. To depose fascism generally demands violence or warfare. Against what I call libertarian, oligarchic authoritarianism, we need sustained,“refusal-to-comply” resistances, from boycotts and regional/national strikes, plus funding of non-party players with litigation that directly impacts public opinion. More pro-government and anti-oligarchy education is absolutely necessary. More AOCs are essential, even if they rile Dem leaders.
We need a new, independent, grassroots Progressive Era akin to what Bernie Sanders and AOC promote. Let us recall that neither 19th C. abolition, nor votes for women, expanded civil, gender and women’s rights, were spearheaded by status-quo political parties until they had no choice but to join up. Lincoln and most pre-war Republicans were not strongly abolitionist (indeed, urged returning blacks to Africa). Only political and Civil War urgency forced their hands. Women’s and gay rights were not core to Democrats until ignoring them became threats to their future. With Vietnam, it took mammoth, sustained consciousness raising (with charismatic expert speakers at countless Teach-ins), public defiance, draft card burning, and street disruption to “retire” LBJ and begin to end the debacle.
Stupendous, inspired democratic resistances change government leaderships and policy, using whatever alliances exist, but especially independent activists not reliant on one election to reinforce integrity. When resistance gains its own leverage, it shifts from mere protest to a genuine change agent. Trump’s plunging poll numbers, with or without Epsteingate, makes that more probable than ever. Even elected Rethugs will defy Trump when re-election depends on it. Let’s hope that comes too late as fearless pro-democrat and principled progressives rise up. This potential resistance, unlike early anti-Vietnam protests, already boasts majority agreement.
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